Are you working as an engineer or teaching engineering in a developing country? Or thinking of working in a developing country? If so, this blog post is particularly relevant for you.

It’s also relevant if you wonder why so many poorer countries remain poor. It’s not just because of corruption and mismanagement. There is much more to this issue.

Much of my research effort over the last 20 years has been to understand why engineering practices in India and Pakistan are so different from those in wealthy countries like Australia.

I discovered that the cost to deliver engineered goods and services of equivalent quality, durability, design, reliability and fitness for use is nearly always significantly higher in poorer countries. Among other factors like climate, this helps to explain why poorer countries find it so hard to develop prosperous economies.

My latest research paper on this topic has appeared in the Southern Journal of Engineering Education, edited by an enthusiastic team of young researchers led by Bruce Kloot. They gracefully allowed me to exceed the normal length limit. Yes, it’s a relatively long paper. However, it’s a complex story too.

Here’s a slightly expanded version of the abstract.

Engineering Practices Observed in South Asia

The development of engineering skills in Africa and other developing countries could be improved by learning from experiences in South Asia where research has exposed significant weaknesses in the engineering education ecosystem.

Research has shown how socio-technical interactions that involve collaborations with other people dominate the work of professional engineers.

In contrast to wealthy, developed countries, societies in the ‘Global South’ are often characterised by complex patterns of social behaviour where perceived reputation, socio-economic status, caste, tribal identity and language strongly mediate power structures and hence collaborative performances such as engineering.

Further, several environment factors such as the local economy and business practices, labour market, education, weak social security, low trust in strangers, climate and geography all influence the ways that engineers practice in their firms. These factors, coupled with pragmatic responses within the firm and knowledge gaps such as incomplete perceptions on labour costs make it much harder for engineers in South Asia to generate similar levels of performance as in wealthier countries.

I explain why many engineers can find themselves trapped in corrupt practices, or find it hard to avoid corruption in developing countries.

How could we begin to quantify engineering performances?

In the paper I argue that engineers’ salaries and the cost of engineered goods and services of equivalent performance and quality might provide indicators of engineering performances.

The paper provides a list of suggestions for engineering educators in the Global South.

So many families experience disappointment after investing in a costly engineering degree for their son or daughter, only to find they find it almost impossible to find meaningful employment as an engineer. This paper provides explanations for them, and suggestions on how to avoid such disappointment.

My hope is that this research, when applied in engineering schools, will help many engineering graduates to become competent novice engineers in local enterprises with the socio-cultural and economic complexities that permeate practice in developing countries.

If you have a young friend or relative studying engineering, then this paper provides insights that will be helpful for them, whether studying in a wealthy or developing country. I hope you find it an interesting and rewarding reading experience.

Are you interested in this kind of research. In July we are planning an international workshop on engineering practice research in Melbourne. Write to Sally Male if you would like more info.

Featured image by Sergey Pesterev on Unsplash.com.